13 Adaar 6756
Volume XIII

Issue 2

4 March 2007


1- 8 6 6 - M Y  Z I N D A

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His Holiness Mar Benyamin Shimoun was assassinated by Kurdish warlord, Simko, on 3 March 1918 in the Urmia region of Iran.

"Woe to the Oppressors that Paid their Neighbours Back in Evil."

Naum Faik - 3 Days after the Assassination of His Holiness

Click on Blue Links in the left column to jump to that section within this issue.  Most blue links are hyperlinked to other sections or URLs.
Zinda SayZinda Says
  "My Native Land" Wilfred Bet-Alkhas
  Assimilation, Exodus, Eradication: Iraq’s minority communities MRG International Report
  A Rose By Any Other Name Would Smell As Sweet Mariam S. Shimoun
  Australia's MP Delivers Speech on Behalf of Assyrians
Return to Anatolia Conference Report
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  Mass-grave in Mardin, Turkey
European Parliament Conference: Assyrian Seyfo
Rev. Yosip Qelaita's Assyrian School of Mosul Project

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Call for Architectural Sketches for Assyrian Genocide Monument
NOC Iraq is Looking for Athletes
  Missed Opportunities Obelit Yadgar
  The Stump
The Assassination of Mar Shimoun Catholicos of the East
The Dementia of Our Kurdish Neighbours
Ashurnasirpal II Describes Fighting & Feasting of His Days
In Search of Gilgamesh (A Book Report)
Frederick P. Isaac
Nineb Lamassu (translation)
Dr. George Habash
David Gavary
Michael Derida
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Zinda Says
An Editorial by Wilfred Bet-Alkhas

"My Native Land"

Lucian of Samasota

In the A.D. Second Century a Roman citizen of the city of Samasota (Aramaic Shimsheta or Of the Sun) in southeastern Turkey, wrote satires about the lives of his contemporaries and the politics of his day.  He was called Lucian and often referred to himself as the Assyrian.  Although he spoke Aramaic, Lucian wrote mainly in Greek and his Trips to the Moon are said to be the earliest writings on space travel and science fiction.  Lucian lived between A.D. 120 and A.D. 192 - eight hundred years after the Fall of Nineveh - and miraculously more than 80 pieces of his works have survived to this day. 

Rome was in those days much like today's United States, a hegemon, at times irritated and even defeated by the Persian rulers.  During Lucian's life, Emperors like Hadrian and Marcus Aurelius expanded Roman dominance over far reaches of Europe, into Britain, and north Africa.  As the power of Rome grew, so did the discontent of its colonized subjects.  When Lucian was a young boy, Jews in Palestine rose against the Romans under Bar Khokhva.  When he died, Romans had been defeated in Scotland.  Not long after his death Persians took his city from the Romans.

Lucian wrote "My Native Land" 1800 years ago about his homeland of Assyria, as the Romans and the Persians took turn in plundering its towns and metropolises.  The raids and pillages of Assyria have never stopped and yet every day we "yearn and pray to end our life" on the banks of its twin rivers.  It is this yearning that compels us to survive, adapt, and excel everywhere and in everything we do.


"My Native Land" by Lucian the Assyrian
circa A.D. 170

"Nothing sweeter than one's native land" is already a commonplace. If nothing is sweeter, then is anything more holy or divine? Truly of all that men count holy and divine their native land is cause and teacher, in that she bears, nurtures and educates them. To be sure, many admire cities for their size, their splendour and the magnificence of their public works, but everyone loves his own country; and even among men completely overmastered by the lust of the eye, no one is so misguided as to be forgetful of it because of the greater of the number of wonders in other countries. Therefore a man who prides himself on being citizen of a prosperous state does not know, it seems to me, what sort of honour one should pay his native land, and such an one would clearly take it ill if his lot had fallen in a less pretentious place. For my part I prefer to honour the mere name of native land. In attempting to compare states, it is proper, of course, to investigate their size and beauty and the abundance of their supplies; but when it is a question of choosing between them, nobody would choose the more splendid and give up her own. He would pray that it too might be as prosperous as any, but would choose it, no matter what it was. Upright children and good fathers do just the same thing. A lad of birth and breeding would not honour anyone else above his father, and a father would not neglect his son and cherish some other lad. In fact, fathers, influenced by their affection, give their sons so much more than their due that they think them the best-looking, the tallest and the most accomplished in every way. One who does not judge his son in this spirit does not seem to me to have a father's eyes.

In the first place, then, the name of fatherland is closer to one's heart than all else, for there is nothing closer than a father. If one pays his father proper honour, as law and nature direct, then one should honour his fatherland still more, for his father himself belonged to it and his father's father and all their forebears, and the name of father goes back until it reaches the father-gods. Even the gods have countries that they rejoice in, and although they watch over all the abodes of man, deeming that every land and every sea is theirs, nevertheless each honours the place in which he was born above all other states. Cities are holier when they are homes of the gods, and islands are more divine if legends are toldof the birth of gods in them. Indeed, sacrifices are accounted pleasing to the gods when one goes to their native places to perform the ceremony. If, then, the name of native land is in honour with the gods, should it not be far more so with mankind? Each of us had his first sight of the sun from his native land, and so that god, universal though he be, is nevertheless accounted by everyone a home-god, because of the place from which he saw him first. Moreover, each of us began to speak there, learning first to talk his native dialect, and came to know the gods there. If a man's lot has been cast in such a land that he required another for his higher education, he should still be thankful for these early teachings, for he would not have known even the meaning of "state" if his country had not taught him that there was such a thing.

The reason, I take it, for which men amass education and learning is that they may thereby make themselves more useful to their native land, and they likewise acquire riches out of ambition to contribute to its common funds. With reason, I think: for men should not be ungrateful when they have received the greatest favours. On the contrary, if a man returns thanks to individuals, as is right, when he has been well treated by them, much more should he requite his country with its due. To wrong one's parents is against the law of different states; but counting our native land the common mother of us all, we should give her thank-offerings for our nurture and for our knowledge of the law itself.

No one was ever known to be so forgetful of his country as to care nothing for it when he was in another state. No, those who get on badly in foreign parts continually cry out that one's own country is the greatest of all blessings, while those who get on well, however successful they may be in all else, think that they lack one thing at least, a thing of the greatest importance, in that they do not live in their own country but sojourn in a strange land; for thus to sojourn is a reproach! And men who during their years abroad have become illustrious through acquirement of wealth, through renown from office-holding, through testimony to their culture, or through praise of their bravery, can be seen hurrying one and all to their native land, as if they thought they could not anywhere else find better people before whom to display the evidences of their success. The more a man is esteemed elsewhere, the more eager is he to regain his own country.

Even the young love their native land; but aged men, being wiser, love it more. In fact, every aged man yearns and prays to end his life in it, that there in the place where he began to live he may deposit his body in the earth which nurtured him and may share the graves of his fathers. He thinks it a calamity to be guilty of being an alien even after death, through lying buried in a strange land.

How much affection real, true citizens have for their native land can be learned only among a people sprung from the soil. Newcomers, being brut bastard children, as it were, transfer their allegiance easily, since they neither know nor love the name of native land, but expect to be well provided with the necessities of life wherever they may be, measuring happiness by their appetites! On the other hand, those who have a real mother-country love the soil on which they were born and bred, even if they own but little of it, and that be rough and thin. Though they be hard put to it to praise the soil, they will not lack words to extol their country. Indeed, when they see others priding themselves on their open plains and prairies diversified with all manner of growing things, they themselves do not forget the merits of their own country, and pass over its fitness for breeding horses to praise its fitness for breeding men. One hastens to his native land though he be an islander, and though he could lead a life of ease elsewhere. If immortality be offered him he will not accept it, preferring a grave in his native land, and the smoke thereof is brighter to his eyes than fire elsewhere.

To such an extent do all men seem to prize their own country that lawgivers everywhere, as one may note, have prescribed exile as the severest penalty for the greatest transgressions. And it cannot be said that in this view lawgivers differ from commanders. On the contrary, in battle no other exhortation of the marshalled men is so effective as "You are fighting for your native land!" No man who hears this is willing to be a coward, for the name of native land makes even the dastard brave.

 

The Lighthouse
Feature Article

 

Assimilation, Exodus, Eradication: Iraq’s minority communities since 2003

Report of the Minorities Rights Group International

The following are excerpts from the report published by the Minority Rights Group International (MRG).  The excerpts selected pertain to Assyrians in Iraq.  The author, Preti Taneja, is a journalist specializing in human rights. She is a regular contributor to a range of international print, web-based and audio media. As a filmmaker she has produced and directed a number of human rights documentaries. She holds a degree in Theology and Religious Studies from the University of Cambridge.

Minority Rights Group International (MRG) is a non-governmental organization (NGO) working to secure the rights of ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities and indigenous peoples worldwide, and to promote cooperation and understanding between communities. MRG's activities are focused on international advocacy, training, publishing and outreach. It is guided by the needs expressed by its worldwide partner network of organizations, which represent minority and indigenous peoples.  MRG works with over 150 organizations in nearly 50 countries. Our governing Council, which meets twice a year, has members from 10 different countries. MRG has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), and observer status with the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR). MRG is registered as a charity and a company limited by guarantee under English law. Registered charity no. 282305, limited company no. 1544957.

Preti Taneja
MRG

Evidence of violence against minorities:  Christians

The Chaldo-Assyrian and Syriac Christians see Iraq as their ‘mother country’, ‘the centre of their historical cultural and demographic weight’.   They live mainly in Kirkuk, Basra, Baghdad, Mosul and on the plains of Nineveh. Both communities speak Syriac, which is derived from Aramaic, the language of the New Testament, one of the oldest continually written and spoken languages in the
world. These communities are descendants of the earliest civilisations of Mesopotamia, but while the Chaldeans follow the Roman Catholic faith, Assyrians do not. In terms of ethnicity, though some Chaldeans and Assyrians consider themselves Arab, others dispute this. The majority and the government consider both groups as ethnically distinct from Arabs and Kurds.

The ethnic and linguistic Armenian minority also settled in Iraq before the birth of Christ, later worshipping as Christians and building churches. After the Armenian genocide committed by Ottoman Turks in 1915, more Armenians settled in Iraq. Education for Armenian children in their own language and religion is considered vital, and Armenian churches and schools are built side by side. They exist in Basra, Baghdad, Kirkuk, Mosul and Zakho. Like other minorities, Armenians have suffered killings, abductions, torture and threats. Underpinning this is the resulting poverty and displacement many face; in 2006, the Armenian Diocese estimated that the number of destitute Armenian Christians had grown by 50 per cent since 2003.

While Islam considers Chaldo-Assyrian and Syriac Christians to be Ahl al Kitab (‘People of the Book’) and therefore to be respected, in reality this has offered them little protection from the increasing violence perpetrated in the name of Islamic fundamentalism in Iraq.

Attacks against businesses

Attacks against Christian business owners have taken place systematically over the last three years. Because Christianity does not prohibit drinking alcohol, and under Saddam Hussein’s government only Christians and Yazidis were permitted to sell liquor, off-licence owners in Iraq are easily identified as being from minority groups.

Shops selling alcohol in Baghdad, Mosul and Basra have been bombed, looted and defaced. According to the Christian and Other Religions Endowment Bureau in Iraq, approximately 95 per cent of alcohol shops have closed following threats by Islamic extremists. Traditionally, the Christian minority also own businesses such as gymnasiums, beauty parlours, CD and DVD shops and recording studios, again making them obvious targets.

In May 2003, Sheikh Mohammed al Fartousi, a member of al-Sadr, issued a fatwa banning alcohol, commanding women to wear the veil and ordering cinemas to close. In a sermon at Muslim weekly prayers at Al-Mohsen mosque in Baghdad’s Shia suburbs of Sadr City, he told ‘several thousand’ Muslims:

‘The cinemas in Al-Saadun Street show indecent films. I warn them: if in a week they do not change, we will act differently with them. We warn women and the go-betweens who take them to the Americans: If in a week from now they do not change their attitude, the murder of these women is sanctioned [by Islam]. This warning also goes out to sellers of alcohol, radios and televisions.’

According to another report, al Fartousi also said: ‘Our fatwa is for all the people. Alcohol is banned under every religion’. He claimed to have up to 1,000 armed former soldiers under his control. Several alcohol factories were attacked just hours after the fatwa was issued.

Roger William, whose father-in-law owned a casino and a dancehall before a fatwa in 2003 declared that no one should trade in alcohol on pain of death, said: ‘We had a very good situation until the fundamentalists began to appear, and we were affected … They changed the idea of Christians among the people and from then on we have suffered. Because America and Britain are Christian countries, the [fundamentalists] blame us for the war. We are terrified. We really don’t know what the future will
hold.’

In April 2004, off-licence owner Sabah Sadiq’s brother was kidnapped. Sadiq was shot on his way to pay the ransom.

This is not a unique occurrence. In June, armed intruders broke into Sami Tammu’s off-licence in Baghdad and shot him when he tried to escape. In August 2004, reports told of masked gunmen shooting Sabah Macardige in Baghdad in broad daylight. According to witnesses, Macardige had received warnings to stop selling alcohol.

In July 2005, the Internet news message board Iraq4all reported the murder of a Christian owner of an off-licence in Baghdad who was shot at work. The gun was fired from a car parked outside the shop. Assad Aziz, a Chaldean Catholic, bought an off-licence in 2003 in a mostly Shia neighbourhood in Baghdad. The shop was bombed and its owner hospitalised for a month. The business reopened in a mostly Christian area but was later ‘riddled with bullets’.

Religious buildings and congregations

A pattern of churches and Christian-owned buildings such as schools being targeted has also been noted throughout this period. Reports of casualties show that the attacks are planned for maximum impact when ser-vices are taking place. 2003 saw a rocket attack on a convent in Mosul, explosions in two Christian schools in Baghdad and Mosul, and an explosion in a church in Baghdad on Christmas Eve. A bomb was found and defused in a monastery in Mosul.

On Sunday, 1 August 2004, almost simultaneous attacks on four Christian churches in Baghdad and one in Mosul killed at least 11 people and injured dozens more.

The day after the August 2004 church bombings, a previously unknown group calling itself the ‘Committee of Planning and Follow-up in Iraq’ reportedly claimed responsibility on a website, saying ‘you wanted a crusade, and these are its results’. The statement read:

‘A Declaration from the Committee of Planning and Follow-up in Iraq

In the name of God the most merciful, ... America didn’t only occupy and invade militarily the Islamic lands but they also founded hundreds of Christianizing establishments, printing false deviated books and distributing them amongst the Muslims in an effort to strip them away of their religion and Christianize them. The Crusaders are one nation even if they differed in their ideas. The American forces and their intelligence systems have found a safe haven and refuge amongst their brethren the grandchildren of monkeys and swine in Iraq. The graceful God has enabled us on Sunday, 1 August 2004, to aim several painful blows at their dens, the dens of wickedness, corruption and Christianizing. Your striving brethren were able to blow up four cars aimed at the churches in Karrada, Baghdad, Jadida and Dora while another group of mujahedeen hit the churches in Mosul. As we announce our responsibility for the bombings we tell you, the people of the crosses: return to your senses and be aware that God’s soldiers are ready for you. You wanted a crusade and these are its results. God is great and glory be to God and his messenger. He who has warned is excused.

Prayers and peace be upon our prophet Muhammad, his kin and companions.

The Committee of Planning and Follow-Up in Iraq
14/Jamadi I/1425 – August 1, 2004
International Islamic Information Center’

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In October 2004, more attacks on churches across Baghdad left at least one person dead and nine injured. Some of the churches were severely damaged and the Roman Catholic Church of St George, which was constructed of wood, burned down. The attacks occurred on the second day of Ramadan, the Islamic holy month of fasting.

In November 2004, car bombs exploded in front of the Church of St George (Syrian Orthodox) and the Church of St Matthias (Assyrian Church of the East), both in Baghdad, killing at least eight people and wounding more. On 7 December, explosions took place in two churches in Mosul. The new Armenian Orthodox church in the Al Wihda quarter, which had not yet opened, was attacked in the afternoon, injuring three. The Chaldean Al Tahira Church and Archdiocese in the Alshafa quarter was attacked later the same day. Armed men cleared the church of believers before they detonated
their explosives.

2006 began with more attacks on churches in January. Six synchronised car bombs exploded outside
churches in Baghdad, Mosul and Kirkuk during mass. One Assyrian Christian and a Muslim couple living close to one of the churches were killed; nine others were injured.

The same day, a car bomb exploded outside the residence of the Apostolic Nuncio (also referred to as the Vatican Embassy).

On 24 September, two bomb attacks were made on the Old Oriental Orthodox Maria Cathedral in the ar-Riad quarter of Baghdad and two Christians were killed. Political and religious leaders in Iraq have consistently condemned the bombing of churches and persecution of Christians. These include moderate Sunni groups, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the senior Shia cleric in Iraq, Moktada al-Sadr, the Shia cleric whose militia is thought to be responsible for many of the attacks on alcohol sell-ers,
the American forces and the Iraqi government. Iraq’s National Security Adviser, Mowaffak al-Rubaie, said both the nature of the attacks and evidence collected from the bomb sites pointed firmly to al-Qaeda leader Zarqawi, possibly working in cooperation with supporters of Saddam Hussein.

Abductions for the purpose of forced conversion have also been reported. As Islamic laws place restrictions on inheritance, marriage and re-conversion, the implications of conversion impact over generations and affect the individual’s civil rights and those of their family, as well as their faith.

Christian areas and associations with MNF-I

People have been abducted or killed in attacks simply because they are in targeted Christian areas, work for foreign companies, or hold official or professional positions. These include civil servants, medical personnel and civic and religious leaders. Such attacks strike directly at the social infrastructure of communities, leaving a void of fear and disabling those who are left from carrying on their everyday lives. On 7 June 2004, four masked men drove into the Christian Assyrian quarter of Hay Al-Athuryee in the Dora district of Baghdad and opened fire on Assyrians on their way to work. Three men and one woman were killed instantly.

In January 2005, the head of the Christian Democratic Party in Iraq, Minas Al-Yousifi, and the Syrian Catholic archbishop of Mosul, Basile Georges Casmoussa, were kidnapped.

A February 2005 report from UNHCR told of a Christian nurse who was beheaded by her kidnappers, and Ansar Al-Sunna, a Sunni extremist group which mainly operates in northern Iraq, announced on its website the killing of a Christian general of the Iraqi Army.

Two members of the Assyrian Democratic movement, a Christian political party, were killed and two
others wounded in November 2005 when gunmen opened fire in Mosul, according to a hospital official.
CNN reported they were posting flyers for forthcoming regional parliamentary elections.

In January 2006, the Society for Threatened Peoples (GfbV) reported that ‘dozens’ of Christian students of the Technical University of Baghdad were victims of violent attacks by their Islamist fellow students. ‘They were beaten and abused as infidels and as American agents,’ the report said.

In October 2006, the same NGO reported that the Syrian Orthodox priest Paul Alexander (Paulos Iskander) was found beheaded in Mosul following his kidnapping. According to news reports the kidnappers demanded $40,000, but added another stipulation; that the priest’s church must publicly repudiate Pope Benedict XVI’s remarks about Islam (see below). On the same day a 55- year-old cleric, Dr Joseph Fridon Petros, was attacked in Baghdad by Islamists and murdered. Attacks were carried out in the district of Camp Sara, which is inhabited mainly by Christians. Nine Assyrian Christians lost their lives.

Minorities who work with people in high-profile positions and with the international community are also at risk.

The Assyrian internet magazine Zinda reported that on 19 August 2003, Nadan Yonadam was killed in an ambush while working with the US Army as a civilian translator.

On 22 September 2005, gunmen opened fire on a Nissan pickup truck carrying six Assyrian security guards assigned to protect Pascale Warda, an Assyrian activist and the former Iraqi Minister of Migration and Displacement. Four out of the six were killed.

In January 2006, American Christian Science Monitor journalist Jill Carroll was abducted in Baghdad. The body of her Assyrian interpreter, Allan Enwiya, was later found in the same neighbourhood.  Carroll was released physically unharmed on 30 March.

Hate speech

World events in the ‘war on terror’ and reports of abuse of (often Muslim) detainees in American jails in Guantanamo Bay and elsewhere fuel the violence against the Christian minority in Iraq. In September 2006, Pope Benedict made a speech referring to the 14th-century Byzantine emperor, Manuel II Palaeologos: ‘The Emperor comes to speak about the issue of jihad, holy war,’ the
Pope said. ‘He said, I quote, “Show me just what Mohammed brought that was new, and there you will
find things only evil and inhuman, such as his command to spread by the sword the faith he preached”.’

In a note to MRG, Yonadam Kanna, secretary general of the Assyrian Democratic Movement in Iraq and member of the Iraqi Council of Representatives, wrote:

‘We are sorry to inform you that we expect more hate and violence in coming days because of the Pope’s latest lecture in Germany. We expect some positive and
serious steps from all peace and freedom supporters to contain and avoid any new crises that may occur in the Middle East, especially in Iraq, which is already suffering from security vacuum.’

In the days following the Pope’s speech, militant Islamist websites reportedly posted messages threatening reprisals against ‘worshippers of the cross’.

Sunni and Shia clerics in Iraq united in condemnation of the Pope’s comments, calling them an insult to Islam and the Prophet Mohammed. After the speech, the New York Times reported that in Baghdad, many churches had cancelled their services and have not opened since. Reverend Zayya Edward Khoshaba, pastor of the Church of the Virgin Mary in Baghdad, said, ‘The actions of fanatics have increased against Christians.’ The same article reported that a Christian teenage girl had been kid-napped, and her captors had initially demanded a ransom. Later, they said the Pope was the only one who could release her, and she was eventually killed.

Communities are further destabilised as technology allows the violation to be replayed over and over again – it is filmed, then a video is distributed as a threat and a warning. Ankawa.com, an Arabic language news website, gained one such video. According to the Assyrian information website Christians of Iraq, the film shows a group named ‘The Brigades of Salaheddin Al-Eyobe the armed
faction’ beheading three men after making them state their names. The victims were two Christians from Mosul, Reemon Farouq Sha’aoun and Feeras Moufaq Potros, whose university identity cards were reportedly shown on screen, and a third, unidentified man.

Whether such films are real or enacted, the dissemination of this material heightens fear, provokes flight and renders the community unsustainable.

Intimidation and threats

Christians have also reported receiving threats of violence at the neighbourhood level through leafleting, text messages to mobile phones and one-on-one intimidation.

A spokesman for the IMC said: ‘Muslim preachers in Mosul have told people to buy the assets of Christians, because Christians will be leaving Iraq just as Jews did in the past. They throw leaflets into the shops and houses, threatening businesses such as liquor stores. It is only certain shops and businesses that have been targeted.’

Christians are threatened with death if they do not conform to Islamic dress codes; women are forced to wear the hijab in public and men to grow Islamic-style beards, convert to Islam or leave the area altogether. The situation of Iraq’s Christians as a people under threat is backed by reports compiled by Christian sup-porters around the world. These show the brutality and level of attacks that occur when people are going about their everyday lives – out shopping, running businesses, going to college. Again, while all Iraqis live under threat of violence, evidence supports the belief that attacks are
targeted against people because of a difference in faith, creating a culture of distrust and fear between peoples of different communities. In July 2004, this example was given to the UK government: ‘Last month, two Assyrian sisters who were working for Bechtel, were killed just outside Basra in a drive-by shooting. They were identifiable Assyrian Christians, slaughtered for no discernible reason. The family are quite convinced that the murder took place because of their religion.’

Minorities in disputed territories in northern Iraq

Many minority rights violations perpetrated in Iraq today form part of an ongoing cycle of violence and injustice that goes back to the government of Saddam Hussein.
Nowhere is this truer than in the north of the country.

From the western city of Sinjar on the Syria/Iraq border to Khanaquin on the Iran/Iraq border in the east, including Mosul, Erbil, Kirkuk, Diyala, Dohuk and Suleymaniyah, hundreds of thousands of Kurds, Faili Kurds, Shabaks, Turkomans, Mandaeans, Assyrians and Yazidis were affected by Saddam Hussein’s genocide or Anfal campaign.

Launched in 1988, the campaign resulted in the death or forced disappearance of some 100 000 people – mostly Kurds, but including many thousands of people from different minorities – and the policy of ‘Arabisation’ that continued until 2003.

The right to return and how this is effected has therefore become a crucial issue since 2003, one which, given the competing tensions in this traumatised area of the country, has been fraught with difficulties. The question of just redress for the Kurds, who now wield significant political and military power and who seek to ensure that they will not be vulnerable in the future, as well as what
happens to the Arabs who have lived in the ‘Arabised’ areas for up to three decades, is in the process of being resolved, by legal and non-legal means. For Arabs and Kurds, justice on this issue is proving difficult – for minorities, it is almost impossible.

As well as disappearances and murder, the Arabisation policy officially forced minorities to change their ethnic identity. The 1987 and 1997 national censuses obliged all Assyrians to choose between an Arab or Kurdish nationality; those who insisted on identifying as Assyrian were struck off the list or arbitrarily registered as Arab or Kurd.

In 2001, decree 199 proclaimed the ‘right’ of every Iraqi to change their ethnic identity and to choose an Arab one. Hundreds of thousands were also forcibly displaced, particularly in the economically significant region around Kirkuk.

Under considerable pressure from the US, the Kurdish authorities have consented not to press by immediate force their claims for restitution of Kurdish land and property in the Kirkuk area. The Kurdish policy is now to promote ‘normalisation’, or the return of communities displaced from Kirkuk and the restitution of their property, followed by a census of the population and the referendum on the status of the city, due to take place in 2007 (see below).

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But statements from various minority representatives interviewed by MRG emphasise the direct violence and intimidation they are experiencing at the hands of the Kurds, particularly on the Nineveh plains and in Kirkuk. There are reports that minorities are being pressured to support Kurdish political parties or to state their identity as Kurdish, which will strengthen Kurdish claims to the land. In return they are offered protection.

MRG interviews with representatives from minority ethnic communities repeatedly reported such actions taken by Kurds. In one interview, an IMC spokesman said: ‘The Kurds are causing rifts between minority groups for their own purposes. They treat Christians better than Arabs. Kurds are financing churches in order to corrupt priests, and are also corrupting through charity work. They are buying people and doing the same thing to Yazidis and Shabaks.’

According to UNAMI, allegations that security elements associated with the Ministry of the Interior and Peshmerga (Kurdish) militias have been involved in illegal policing outside the KRG, notably in Kirkuk and Nineveh, have continued to emerge. Riots in Kirkuk in the days following the US-led invasion of Iraq gave rise to reports of Kurdish militia taking over public buildings. Statements by
Arabs and Turkomans told of being forced out of their homes as Kurds displaced under Saddam Hussein returned (see a more complete discussion of this below).

Like all Iraqi citizens, minorities in northern Iraq are caught up in sectarian violence between majority groups. But if the prospect of a political settlement over Kirkuk continues to recede, the threat of renewed inter-ethnic violence and forced displacements perpetrated by different factions or militias will increase. Minority communities will be among the most vulnerable should this occur.

Chaldo-Assyrian Christians

Chaldo-Assyrians in Kirkuk are caught up in violence between larger ethnic groups. Their numbers, however, are much smaller – an estimated 12,000 in 2006.

The Iraqi Ministry of Displacement and Migration has reported on the serious difficulties Christians face as they attempt to reclaim their properties in northern Iraq. Speaking in 2004 in the House of Commons, Stephen Pound MP said: ‘At least 58 Chaldo-Assyrian villages have been partially or fully occupied by Kurds: eight are completely occupied and 50 partly occupied. All are in Dohuk province and in areas controlled by the KDP.’ He added: ‘Instead of returning the land to its rightful Chaldo-Assyrian owners, the current Minister of Defence, Hazim al-Shaalan, has sent a letter to the Minister
of Municipalities to instruct the Minister of the Mosul governorate to distribute Chaldo-Assyrian land to Iraqi military and intelligence service personnel – a continuance of the policy of the previous Ba’athist regime.

The lands in question are in the following Chaldo-Assyrian districts of the Nineveh plains: Telkepeh,
Baghdede – a name later changed to Qaraqosh, then to Hamdaniya – Karamles, Bertallah, Botany Telesqof, Alqush, Bashiqa-Bahzani and Shaikhan.’

The International Religious Freedom Report (2006) stated: ‘Christians living north of Mosul claimed that the KRG confiscated their property without compensation and began building settlements on their land. Assyrian Christians also alleged that the KDP-dominated judiciary routinely discriminated against non-Muslims and failed to enforce judgments in their favour.’

In a research mission to northern Iraq, including the Nineveh plains, in May 2006, MRG found relations between resident Chaldo-Assyrians and the Kurdish parties presented a complex picture. Some Chaldo-Assyrian leaders complained of attempts to ‘Kurdify’ some of the villages on the plains, including altering place names, and of making resources for development conditional on support
for the KDP. However, other Chaldo-Assyrians spoke positively of Kurdish support for reconstruction, development and the settlement in Nineveh of Chaldo-Assyrians displaced from other parts of Iraq, particularly Mosul and Baghdad. Christian guards are now prominent outside the churches and at checkpoints, and have received support channelled from the KRG. In an interview with MRG, the KRG Minister of Finance and then Deputy Prime Minister, Sarkis Aghajan, described how 30 Christian villages had been restored in the Nineveh plains and some 3500 families resettled from Mosul and Baghdad.

The Washington-based Assyrian organisation the Iraq Sustainable Development Project (ISDP) conducted a field trip to northern Iraq in early 2006. It reported extensive land seizure by the KDP with no recompense for minorities, and threats and coercion for minorities to assimilate. (However, church leaders who become members receive reconstruction funds for their churches and homes). One priest has been identified as informing the Kurdish authorities of Assyrians who oppose KDP control of the Nineveh plains. ISDP also reported that in order to get and keep jobs, minorities are forced to become members of the KDP. ISDP alleges that all Chaldo-Assyrians applying to work at the Sheraton hotel in Erbil were required to become members of the KDP; those who refused had their job offers withdrawn.

Political Participation

Where territory is disputed, minorities can also experience violations to their right to participation and political representation. The fierce fight for control of Kirkuk and the border areas around the KRG has a specific political impact on minority communities where votes will make a difference to the outcome of elections. In the January 2005 elections, non-Muslim minorities (and non-Kurds)
reported being prevented from voting. According to AINA, only 93 of the 330 polling stations in the Nineveh governorate opened, ballot boxes were not delivered, and incidents of voter fraud and intimidation occurred. The International Religious Freedom Report 2005 said:

‘This resulted from administrative breakdowns on election day and the refusal of Kurdish security forces to allow ballot boxes to pass to predominantly Christian villages, denying as many as 100,000 Assyrian Christians and smaller numbers of Sabians (Mandaeans) of their right to vote in the elections. After an investigation of these allegations, the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq (IECI) acknowledged that the voting facilities in Nineveh were inadequate. The IECI claimed that these irregularities were a manifestation of the poor security situation in Nineveh, Anbar, and other regions and not a problem that exclusively affected a particular segment of the population.’

After the elections, the UN news agency IRIN reported that a crowd of mostly Turkomans and Christians numbering approximately ‘300 ... protested outside the fortified Green Zone in Baghdad, unhappy about alleged irregularities on election day, especially in Kirkuk, where witnesses accused Kurdish parties of entering polling stations, breaking ballot boxes open and stealing ballot papers.’
An IMC spokesman said: ‘The Iraqi people weren’t given access to voting, the government opened posts for the Kurds but not for the Christians, and that is corruption.’

Though minority communities therefore have a potential protection in the Kurdish region, in reality they are caught between the two majority ethnic sides. Human Rights Without Frontiers gives this account, the timing of which is noteworthy:

‘On 10 April 2003, the day after “the liberation” [sic], Hazim Petrus Damman, an Assyrian-Chaldean, was driving home in a company car from the Kirkuk oil company he was working for when he fell into an ambush laid by Peshmergas who were obviously waiting for him on his usual way back home. After shooting him down, they simply dragged his corpse out of the car and drove off in his vehicle, leaving him excruciatingly bleeding ... Due to the massive anarchy and chaos in the streets of Kirkuk in the following days, it took his traumatized family ten days to discover his whereabouts. His brother Ghanim, a doctor, finally managed to find the hospital he had been taken to and discovered his body in the hospital morgue ...Some eye-witnesses think the Peshmerga intelligence had successfully targeted Hazim as a Chaldean-Assyrian, someone who would soon be an obstacle in their way towards reclaiming their “hometown”, and had therefore been tracing his daily route from work to home in the previous days.’

Whether the last assertion is true or not, it demonstrates the level of suspicion between the groups that flared almost immediately in 2003.

To read the entire report in PDF format and view the sources and bibliographies please click here.

The Assyria Advocate
with Mariam S. Shimoun

 

A Rose By Any Other Name Would Smell As Sweet

“The thing I hate about an argument is that it always interrupts a discussion.”

G.K. Chesterton, English author

When I was very young, I reviled Assyrian parties. Being a little girl, the music was always too loud for my small ears, the dance lines that snaked around the ballroom always got in my way when I wanted to run around and play, and the food was never appetizing.  The best part of the night was when the clock rolled past my bedtime hour, and my mother sat me on her lap so I could sleep.  Amongst the ruckus and the laughter and the celebration around me, I had one ear pressed against my mother's perfumed chest, where her heartbeat rocked me to sleep.  The other ear was turned outward, and the sound of the Assyrian language being spoken and sung was a familiar sound. Falling asleep was never a problem then.

I never knew, as a little girl, that the safe Assyrian world around me was a mirage.  It was a temporary reality, one that would fall away, ironically, with Saddam Hussein's demise.  The new, much anticipated Saddam-free Iraq brought with it a split in my reality, in my people, in my safe world that gently rocked me to sleep. As the Assyrian nation struggles to define itself, out of frustration they turn against each other, their backs to their enemies.  It never occurred to them that a house divided, falls. Or, even if it did occur to some, it became easier to simply blame everyone else as responsible for internal division, rather than to work to restore unity.

There are some very fundamental concepts that are shattering Assyrians to their core, and without addressing them, Assyrians are left vulnerable, destined to a future disconnected from each other.  Maybe we don't see it now, but hindsight is always 20/20 - unlike the ancient Chaldeans - we have no power to see into our future, read our dreams or our destiny in the night stars. 

I have faith in Assyrians left in the Homeland – they seem to grasp what is happening around them at an alarmingly more efficient rate than us “Westernized” Assyrians. It is us, in the Diaspora – those who have left and either never been, or haven’t been in decades – that worry me.

Francesco Clemente, Untitled

The Assyrian nation is so unique, we find it difficult to search for answers to our various problems in comparative studies, history, sociology, or any other social science – we have a collective identity, while refusing to use a singular name. We have several groups which come from the same geographic area, speak the same language, identify with each other as one (“soorayeh”) yet differentiate from each other according to which Patriarch rules over their denomination. We cling to the same millennia-old history, yet look at each other and say “we are different from each other now”. I invite sociologists to study the Assyrian nation – we were the first civilization, we were pioneers on this earth in every way – and we are re-defining identity and nationalism as we live and breathe. Our religious institutions have both saved us and condemned us to “different-ness”.

It is an interesting concept Assyrians must learn to grasp – as right as 2 and 2 are 4, Chaldeans, Syriacs, Aramaens, and all other Assyrian-speaking folk are, indeed, Assyrians. To divide these people into a dozen different ethnic groups is an exercise in politics, not historical integrity. But as right as the name Assyrian is, I cannot call anyone by a name they do not choose. Anyone who thinks otherwise is illogical or stubborn. Anyone who says “who cares and to hell with them” is not a nationalist – he is exclusionary, and a nationalist does not exclude portions of his people. Being right, but being a stubborn bully, does not make a righteous guardian of an identity. We must, must, must accept it: Assyrian is the right name, but not all Assyrian people are ready for it. One cannot force a square peg into a round hole. If Assyrian nationalism will be borne into Syrian Orthodox and Chaldean Catholics, it must start with the people of the Syrian Orthodox and Chaldean Catholic Church. Not by political parties who believe the “other” identities are inferior. Much like the U.S. cannot force democracy on Iraq – so must identity be homegrown.

The question becomes, do we, who use the name Assyrian proudly, believe that those who call themselves by our Christian denominations are also Assyrians? I do. I believe they are all, every last one of them, Assyrians from the very center of what was Assyria. I cannot say “to hell with them”, because they refuse the name Assyrian. I cannot – not because it is cruel or wrong, but because regardless of their sentiments, I still believe we are one people. And I cannot tell my people they don’t matter. And no nationalist could.

There is a difference, a deep difference, between accepting Chaldean, “Syriani”, (and even the very recently invented “Aramaen”), and accepting “Arab” or “Kurdish” Christian. Arab and Kurdish are not our names. Those are distinct ethnic identities, a people with a different tongue, ancestry, history (although the Kurdish one is mostly unknown, a seeming conglomerate of Persian, Turkish, and some tribes, even Assyrian). Chaldean is our name. Syriani is our name. Whether true or false, they belong to us and no other. I don’t think the conversation regarding our national identity should stop – in fact, it needs to continue. It is difficult to have a nation torn. But the course of the conversation needs to change. In the U.S., the largest Assyrian and Chaldean Catholic organizations have united to work towards the goal of the Nineveh Plains for Assyrians in Iraq. Regardless of what they think of the Assyrian name, identity, and our churches, they are working together for a common goal.

This whole concept takes discipline, modesty, and true nationalism. Many of us love the Assyrian name and everything it means and is, and anger at the fact that we have to constantly fight for it. And it’s unfortunate. But it’s our reality as Assyrians. It won’t last forever – nothing does. In the meantime, let’s stop the arguments, so we can continue in our discussions.

 

News Digest
News From Around the World

 

Australia's MP Delivers Speech on Behalf of Assyrians

(ZNDA: Sydney)  The following is the complete speech by the Member of Australia's Parliament, the Honorable Chris Bowen, delivered on 26 February in the House of Representatives with reference to the untenable position of the Assyrian people.

The Labor MP., Mr. Chris Bowen is the Chairman of the Assyrian Parliamentary Friendship Group together with Liberal MP. the Hon. Bruice Baird:

Mr. Bowen:  I want to commence my remarks in this grievance debate with a quote. It is from one of Australia’s most respected diplomats, the former ambassador to the United Nations, a former secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and a former special envoy for this Prime Minister, Richard Woolcott. He said:

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The United States, the United Kingdom and Australia, having made such a catastrophic foreign and security policy blunder, are now trapped in a dilemma of their own making.

The starting point now must be to acknowledge the original and present errors and to decide on the most appropriate exit strategy from the appalling situating in which we chose to involve ourselves.

My grievance tonight is this government’s foreign policy failings, particularly in relation to Iraq. I raise this issue as a member of parliament who represents more present and former Iraqi citizens than any other member—a member of parliament who, on a daily basis, in my electorate office hears stories of murder, rape and the loss of human rights of citizens in Iraq.

We justified the invasion of Iraq on the basis of Saddam Hussein’s weapons of mass destruction—weapons which failed to materialise. Then the government justified it by bringing democracy and freedom and prosperity to Iraq. And, as I said, every day in my electorate office I hear tales of people fleeing Iraq—fleeing persecution, fleeing a murderous regime and fleeing intolerance. The reality is, as hard as it is to believe, that these people tell me that the situation was better for them under Hussein’s brutal regime.

This was also the conclusion of the National Intelligence Estimate on the United States, which represents the conclusions of the United States’ 16 different intelligence bodies. They found that the war was clearly creating more terrorists than it was destroying. And it is the view of the United Kingdom’s Chief of the General Staff, Sir Richard Dannatt, who recently said, ‘We should get ourselves out sometime soon because our presence exacerbates the security problems.’ Hugh White, the respected strategic analyst, said:

… don’t pay attention to what the Government says about what is happening in Iraq. When John Howard talks about how vital Iraq is in the war on terrorism, he is simply saying what needs to be said to support … Bush, and to justify the choices he has made to back … Bush’s policies over the past five years.

The reality is that the coalition forces were welcomed when they arrived, but they have worn out their welcome. Despite the arrogant and condescending lectures we get in this House every day from the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and the lectures that the Australian people receive, this is as big a foreign policy blunder as Australia has ever been involved in. Having made this blunder, the government ask us to take them on trust that they are the only ones who can fix it. The Australian people have woken up to this deception by the government. This was a policy which was based on fallacies. There was never any evidence that Hussein’s regime was linked to the September 11 atrocities, and we now know that the evidence of weapons of mass destruction was indeed scant. It is a policy, the implementation of which has been botched. Greg Sheridan has written tellingly about this:  ‘Too many civil servants were sacked. The Iraqi army should never have been disbanded and the provisional administration should have been established much quicker. And, most fundamentally, there was little contribution to the rebuilding of infrastructure in Iraq.’ As former US Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld has been quoted, or paraphrased, as saying, ‘We do demolition; we don’t do reconstruction.’ The former citizens of Iraq whom I see in my electorate office on a daily basis and the authors of the letters and the heartfelt emails I receive would find that comment disgusting. The Canadian Senate Standing Committee on National Security and Defence recently recommended a 42 per cent increase in Canada’s military budget but a 100 per cent increase in their aid budget.

The coalition of the willing now faces a choice. We can continue on the path we are on, which will require a massive escalation of troops which, frankly, is beyond the capacity of the United States and certainly beyond the capacity of Australia and is reminiscent of the views of the Vietnam War that all that is needed is one more heave, one more push and victory will be ours. Or we can help Iraq on its way—we can help them establish an administration which protects the rights of minorities: the Assyrians, Mandaeans and Chaldeans. But the government is unlikely to go down this road because it has invested too much political capital, and a military withdrawal now would be seen as a political retreat by this Prime Minister.

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The Prime Minister talks about cutting and running. Last week the Prime Minister of Britain announced that 1,500 troops would be withdrawn in a matter of weeks and a further 1,500 by the end of the year. Prime Minister Howard says this is just a drawdown. Currently, Australia has 1,450 personnel deployed in support of Operation Catalyst, and some of these are used in support of Operation Slipper in Afghanistan. The best estimate is that there are 900 personnel inside Iraq. So at least double and possibly three times the number of Australian personnel in Iraq will be withdrawn by the British government by the end of the year. The Prime Minister says that this is okay but, if Australia were to withdraw our troops, it would be a disaster.

The government’s policy is fundamentally flawed. The government have created the situation where the Christian citizens of Iraq are blamed by some fundamentalist groups for the invasion. As the United States intelligence estimate stated, ‘This war has created more terrorists than it is destroying.’ It would not be so bad if the invasion had not made us less safe, if it had made the world a safer place, but it has not. A fundamentally flawed invasion has been botched, and the government have refused to use their influence to ensure that the situation is improved.

An article by Nicholas Stuart appeared in the Canberra Times last year on 17 October, which I endorse. It said this: ‘If Australia is really interested in helping the Iraqi people rather than just providing the terrorists with targets, it is time our Prime Minister started articulating a strategy for leaving Iraq.’

Last week we saw the amazing spectacle of the Minister for Defence comparing the Iraqi invasion with the Kokoda battle. Frankly, the less said about that the better. I think it was an insult to not only the veterans of Kokoda but also the fine Australian service men and women fighting in Iraq. Each month thousands of Iraqi citizens die in bloody fighting. There are half a million internal refugees. Many more have fled to Syria and Jordan. Basic infrastructure, including schools, has been destroyed. The Johns Hopkins University estimates that 650,000 Iraqis have died since the invasion. Some people question that figure, and I understand there is a debate. But, on any analysis, many more thousands of Iraqis have died than should have and, as I have said, particularly members of minority faiths, such as Christians and Mandaeans, have suffered.

This government has been negligent; however, I acknowledge the support and interest of some of the members opposite. The member for Cook and Senator Payne have been particularly vocal in their support for the cause of the Assyrian community, but the minister has refused to use the government’s influence to do anything about the plight of the Assyrians and others in Iraq.

I was drawn to the findings of a Canadian Senate Standing Committee on National Security and Defence which say that the war on terror in Iraq seems to have ‘inspired radicalism within the Muslim community, in places where it was not evident before’. Again, members of my community and their relatives are bearing the brunt of this war. The fact is that there are no signs that this situation is getting better.

There is no monopoly on who is suffering in Iraq. There are Shiites suffering, there are Shiahs suffering, there are Christians suffering, there are Mandaeans suffering and there are people of no faith suffering—there are thousands of people suffering. The war in Iraq is making the world less safe rather than more safe. It is making the people of Iraq less safe rather than more safe. It is time that this government recognised this fact, recognised this reality and articulated an exit strategy for the war in Iraq.

Return to Anatolia Conference Report

Report by Dean Kalimniou from Australia

(ZNDA: Melbourne)   The inaugural “Return to Anatolia” Conference held on 3 March 2007 at the Cyprus Community of Melbourne and Victoria was a great success. The conference marks the first effort of the Greek and Assyrian communities to hold joint functions that celebrate their joint heritage and commemorate and showcase their history. The importance of this ground-breaking conference as a landmark in the history of multiculturalism was underlain by the attendance, not only by the Consul-General of Greece in Melbourne Christos Salamanis and the High Commissioner of Cyprus Mr Achilleas Antoniadis but also by members of the Victorian Parliament including Judy Maddigan MP, Lili D’ Ambrosio MP, Nazih Elasmar MLC and Jenny Mikakos MLC, all of who expressed profound interest in the cultures and histories of the Christian peoples of Anatolia. The presence of Assyrian and Greek community presidents and representatives notable Assyrian Universal Alliance Australian Chapter President, Hermiz Shahin, and Assyrian Australian Arts and Literature Foundation Chairperson, Jacob Haweil, was also noteworthy.

Lectures to a packed auditorium by Aziz Mourad and Dean Kalimniou on historical perspectives of the Assyrian and Pontian sojourns in Anatolia respectively were both informative and entertaining, as was National Centre for Hellenic Studies at Latrobe University member Stavros Stavridis’ overview of the Assyrian and Armenian genocides. Dr Panayiotis Diamandis’ presentation of his research on Australian efforts to aid Armenian, Greek and Assyrian victims of the Christian Genocide, as well as his examination of the Genocide through contemporary accounts by Australian Prisoners of War enthralled the audience. As an epilogue to the conference, Neos Kosmos senior journalist Kostas Nikolopoulos provided a sophisticated analysis of the role of ethnic media in assisting the placing of ‘national issues’ in their proper perspective, coining the unforgettable phrase: “To lobby is not a hobby.”

The presentation of Assyrian and Pontian folkloric costumes, songs, poems and musical instruments did much to augment the participants’ conception of the Christian peoples of Anatolia as partakers of a unique cultural synthesis. Conference Orgnaising Committee Chairperson, Ms Sofia Kotanidis, echoed the sentiments expressed by Cyprus High Commissioner Mr Antioniadis, by announcing to enthusiastic acclaim, her committee’s intention to convene this historic event on an annual basis, in order to bring the peoples of Anatolia closer together.

Surfs Up!
Your Letters to the Editor

 

Mass-grave in Mardin, Turkey

Prof David Gaunt
Sweden

Two weeks ago Prof. Dr. Yusuf Halaçoglu, head of the Turkish Historical Society, challenged me in Turkish media to give him an answer about a joint investigation of the mass-grave found last October in Mardin province. I answered him immediately proposing the period of 23-25 April as a possible date for a preliminary meeting and first site inspection. This was not intended as a provocation, but I made this time slot by canceling some lecture invitations to which I had already agreed.

Since then, I have not heard a word from Prof. Halaçoglu. I have written to him privately, faxed and e-mailed, but with no result. This unnatural silence leads to the conclusion that he no longer is interested in making a truly scientific investigation of the mass-grave find. What could be the reason?

In order to give this investigation some scientific legitimacy, I had suggested that an impartial international group of crime scene investigators be the first to inspect the cave in order to ascertain whether the bodies had been manipulated in any way and whether the site was intact. Only if and when they would give a clear signal would any other investigators enter. Are we forced to conclude that the site has indeed already been prepared, and that trained persons would easily discover the manipulation? In that case it would be reasonable for Prof. Halaçoglu to want to forget his invitation. At present there are few alternative interpretations to his behaviour other than that he regrets the publicity he has given this matter.

Prof. Gaunt is the author of the highly acclaimed work on the Seyfo Genocide: "Massacres, Resistance, Protectors: Muslim-Christian Relations in Eastern Anatolia During World War I" published by Gorgias Press (click here).

European Parliament Conference:  Assyrian Seyfo

Sabri Atman
Seyfo Centre
The Netherlands
19 February 2007

We are happy to announce that the GUE/NGL, European United Left/Nordic Green Left together with the SEYFO CENTER are hosting a conference about the Assyrian Genocide of 1915.

We will be discussing various topics including the perspective of Turkey joining the EU.

We would like to cordially invite you and the representatives of your organization to attend our conference in the European Parliament at Rue Wiertz in Brussels, room P7C050 on Monday 26 March 2007 at 15:00 until 17:00.

We have a limited place in the conference room and would appreciate your response to our invitation no later than three weeks before the event. We require the participants full names for booking and security requirements.

At the conference, three languages, English, German and France will be used and with the stimulant method you will chose the language you want. We don’t promise but we try to arrange Assyrian as well.

We wait with anticipation to your early response.  For more information write to info@seyfo.com.

 

Rev. Yosip Qelaita's Assyrian School of Mosul Project

Rev. Yosip Qelaita's Assyrian school in Mosul operated from 1920-1945; it was a remarkable school that produced the next generation of Assyrian leaders and intellectuals.

The following information was obtained from Shamasha Yosip Zia (#42), who attended the school from 1920-1923.

The school year began on November 1st and ended on May 30th. The school was co-ed, with boys and girls attending classes (in the photograph there is only one girl shown, #132); Shamasha Zia says there were many many girls in the school, but few made it to the advanced classes.

In 1921 a disagreement between Benyamin Arsanis and Qasha Yosip Qelaita arose, regarding the curriculum. Benyamin Arsanis wanted to stress history and science, particularly Assyrian history, and wanted a more secular curriculum, while Qasha Qelaita wanted a more religious curriculum. The Mar Shimoun sided with Qasha Qelaita and Benyamin Arsanis was forced to leave the school.

This photograph was taken in 1922 and shows 129 students and 5 instructors. Rev. Qelaita, a deacon (Shamasha) at the time, is the white-bearded man seated in the middle (#114).

Some of the names of these students are known, others are not. We wish to identify each student in this photograph. We also would like to compile a list of all the students that attended the Assyrian School of Mosul. If you recognize anyone in this photograph or know of anyone who attended this school, click below to send us this information.

click here to identify or add a person.  At press time 16 teachers and students have been identified.

Surfer's Corner
Community Events

Zinda Magazine asks its readers in Southern California, eligible to vote for candidates running for the Los Angeles Community College District's Board of Trustee, to show their support for two Assyrian candidates who are running for two different seats:  Number Three and Number Five.  The candidates are Mr. Jozef Essavi and Mr. Hanna Hajjar, both endorsed by Zinda Magazine for their professionalism and community services rendered in the last few years, as Assyrian activists and community leaders.  Please do not forget to vote tomorrow.

Jozef Essavi : Candidate for the Los Angeles Community College District Board of Trustee, Seat # 3

Jozef Thomas Essavi was elected to the Winnetka Neighborhood Council in 2005. He serves as Winnetka Senator to Los Angeles Congress of Neighborhood Councils. Jozef is a product of Los Angeles Valley College and was elected and re-elected as the ASB Union Treasurer in the 90's and was unanimously nominated from LAVC to become LACCD Student Trustee. He was able to keep student learning center open even after all the funds had been exhausted. Jozef knows the inner workings of LACCD, its flaws and positive aspects and has worked with faculty, staff and administrators in a fair and balanced fashion. He went on to receive his BA from UCR and MA from Cal State Northridge and currently is working on his PhD. He is committed to the district's taxpayers and Proposition 13 and to accountability and responsibility. He is committed to full student access to education, lower unit fees, and expanded scholarship programs. He is committed to teacher tenure rather than shuttling between campuses. He is committed to giving independence to each of the nine campuses and their administrators.

Jozef Thomas Essavi will be “a Trustee for all of us”.  Please help by voting or donating to his campaign and by visiting his website (click here).

To view Mr. Essavi's Campaign Video click here.

Los Angeles Community College Board of Trustees is the largest college district in the nation with over 120,000 students, 6,000 teachers, 842 square miles of territory and $650 million dollar annual budget.

Hanna Hajjar: Candidate for the Los Angeles Community College District Board of Trustee, Seat # 5

The "Da Mariachi" video, Mr. Hajjar's campaign video, was featured by the YouTube Editors in their Film & Animation Category.

Press Release
1 March 2007
From the office of: Hanna Hajjar

It is my pleasure to introduce myself as one of the candidates running for the Los Angeles Community College District (LACCD), Board of Trustee, Seat #5. Please view LA's certified candidates list, page #2 at the following link: click here.

I take this opportunity to invite you to visit my website (click here), as my approach to campaigning is completely different. In my website you will find something different, unique, and creative. I am an engineer, inventor, entrepreneur, artist, and the president of my Alumni, a very rare combination.

I am pioneering in a new type of online election campaigning, thought the use of online video clips; I believe that this new idea would be of interest to you. You can view my clips at www.YouTube.com at the following links:

Video Clip #1: click here          Title: Da Mariachi  (with 8360 hits at press time)
Video Clip #2: click here          Title: LACCD
Video Clip #3: click here          Title: A Quote *

Looking forward to hearing from you soon. I can be reached at: hh@hanna4trustee.com or by phone at: 818-300-4734.

International Women's Day

Shoshan Lamassu
United Not Divided Committee
London, UK

We - a network of Iraqi women’s rights organisations based in Iraq and the UK – want to draw attention to the plight of Iraqi women. We the London based, Marem Reshakh: Assyrian Women’s Human Rights are one of the catalysts behind this event, which will of course highlight the suffering of the Assyrian women along with the Iraqi women in general.

We have come together to organise an event to mark the 100th anniversary of International Women’s Day, 8th March 2007. In the context of what Iraqi women are experiencing in their everyday life in Iraq, we hope that this celebration of universal rights, freedom and equality, for which Iraqi women is continuing to struggle to voice their opinion courageously will be a historic event.

Since the invasion and beginning of the occupation of Iraq in 2003, our society has been driven into a state of instability, chaos and anarchy. At times like this, everyone suffers, but it is the women who are the first victims. Lack of adequate health care, clean water and electricity, unemployment, abductions, rape, sex trafficking, rise of politicized, religion, ethic, honour killings, violence at the hands of occupation forces, Islamist militias and insurgents, criminal gangs and families, as well as sectarian killings and targeted assassinations terrorise the lives of thousands of women.

In mounting this event, we want to draw attention to the outrageous situation in which Iraqi women are having to live, work and raise their families, and we also want to celebrate their extraordinary resilience and ability to go on fighting for their rights. We want to say ‘no’ to being divided along sectarian and ethnic lines and ‘no’ to the violation of women’s rights in Iraq under occupation.

Lamassu Productions Launches "Assyrian Identity – Sponsorship Tour"

André N. Anton
Producer, Lamassu Productions
Info@assyriandoc.com
www.assyriandoc.com
Assyrian – The Struggle for Identity

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DETROIT, MI, Feb 14, 2007 /Lamassu Productions/ -- On Saturday, February 10th, 2007, Lamassu Productions kicked off their "Assyrian Identity – Sponsorship Tour," in Connecticut. The tour marks a significant date in the progress for the upcoming film, Assyrian – The Struggle for Identity. This process marks the transition from conceptualization to the pre-production phase. The film deals with the struggles of the Assyrian people, a people that have been subjected to various forms of discrimination and persecution since the fall of the Assyrian Empire approximately 2600 years ago, linking the cultural, historical, and political aspects of the Assyrian identity in a way to preserve and uphold an ancient civilization on the brink of extinction.

During their visit to Connecticut, producers André N. Anton and Feras Majid Shammami attended the Assyrian-American National Federation's (AANF) national meeting to promote the film project. This particular visit stands as a powerful message in regards to its symbolic nature. The AANF was founded in the early 1930s in Connecticut in response to atrocities and slaughters committed against Assyrian communities in Iraq. As being one of the first Assyrian groups founded in America, the launching of the tour at the AANF's national meeting serves as a representation of a new beginning, the formidable spirit of Assyrian perseverance and will to survive. According to Shammami, the presentation was a success:

“André and I launched our tour with tempered expectations and they were more than exceeded. The presentation led to a discussion and a truly humbling show of support. This is more evidence of the hunger that Assyrians have for exactly this type of project. Assyrian – The Struggle For Identity is truly more than a movie and we are starting to witness that in the reactions we are receiving. I believe a young man at the meeting, Ninos, put it best: 'This movie is our movement.'"

The next stop on the tour travels to the Detroit area, as the tour meets with several community organizations and media outlets. In addition to sponsorship for the movie, Lamassu Productions is reaching out to unite the Chaldean, Syriac, and Assyrian communities and to bridge the gap between the young and the old. But no matter what ethnic or religious backgrounds reside in a person, compassion and humanity must prevail to help those that are suffering.

To schedule a tour of the presentation and/or receive a sponsorship package, contact Lamassu Productions via e-mail: sponsorship@assyriandoc.com.

Call for Architectural Sketches for Assyrian Genocide Monument in Yerevan, Armenia

The Assyrian Organization of Armenia
assyrianorg_armenia@yahoo.com

The Assyrians of Armenia have been provided with an opportunity to erect a monument in Yerevan (the capital city of Armenia) commemorating the victims of the 1915 Assyrian Genocide. The proposed site is the lower corner of the Chamber Music Hall Park (intersection of Nalbandian and Moskovian).

Assyrian architects, artists, and other talented individuals are requested to submit ideas and concepts in the form of architectural sketches for the subject monument. The space allocated for this monument is 3 meters in width, 4 meters in length, and 3 meters in height.

All efforts have been made to create this 17-page self explanatory document to clearly define the environment where the monument will erected. If any further clarification is required, please contact us.

To view the PDF document (4 MB) click here.

NOC Iraq is Looking for Athletes

National Olympic Committee of Iraq
Director General
Tiras Odisho Anwaya PhD

The National Olympic Committee of Iraq is calling all Iraqi athletes residing outside Iraq or who are citizens of said countries to send a resume of their performance as listed bellow.

The NOC of Iraq is looking for high performance athletes to represent Iraqi National Teams in International championships and be a part of the Iraqi teams taking part in Arab, Asian, and Olympic Games.

At the moment, one male swimmer and one female swimmer are needed to represent Iraq in the World Swimming Championship and then the Olympic Games in Beijing 2008. Athletes with competition experience in the winter games are also needed.

1- Must have competitive experience in his/her sport and still in training.
2- Willing to represent Iraq in competition.
3- Has an Iraqi passport or Iraqi documents.
4- In case he/she does not have the above documents, the parents should have them.
5- NOCI will facilitate the issue of a passport.
6- A resume of his / her training experience and a list of the most recent competitions.
7- Photos of activity and any publications about his/her performance.

Contact Information:
Mobile Phone: + (964) 7903921115 / + (964) 7701954434
Telfax: (964) 15373218
E-mail: tirask@yahoo.co.uk

To read more about Mr. Tiras Odisho Anwaya click here.

 

Musing With My Samovar
with Obelit Yadgar

 

Missed Opportunities

What drew my attention was his beautiful fountain pen: black, sleek, a gold band on the cap. As we waited for our individual flights at O’Hare International Airport in Chicago, I felt a kindred spirit with him because of my great love for fountain pens.

He was well dressed, in a distinct European way, and sitting across from him, occasionally I got a whiff of English lavender. It looked to me he was writing a letter. From time to time he stopped and gazed into the distance. I saw longing in his eyes.

He wrote many pages. Time passed. My flight was delayed. I stayed glued to my seat. Finally he capped the fountain pen and studied what he had written. Then he straightened the pages together and ripped them into strips, methodically, as if in slow motion. I saw dew in his eyes, but I could have been wrong.

He sat there for a long time afterward and stared into space, until his flight was called. Then he was gone, leaving me to ponder my failure to begin a conversation with him. Why didn’t I do it? I would have liked to know about him. Even found out about the letter. To whom was he writing? What was he writing? And why tear it up in the end? That picture still haunts me.

Life is a stream of missed opportunities that, unlike a roll of dice, will never again create the same combination. I think of another missed opportunity, perhaps the most profound in my life. It was not getting to know my great uncle, the writer and historian Binyamin Arsanis. We called him Mom Yameh. When I was a little boy, he was a giant. Looking back now, I wish I had been old enough to know him better. To converse with him as a mature person. Assyrian to Assyrian. Artist to artist. He could have told me so much about being an Assyrian. About being a writer.

I remember Uncle Binyamin was always hunched over a manuscript at his writing table under a big tree in his yard, fountain pen in hand. This is in Tehran, Iran, where I lived my early years. I grew up learning to read and write Farsi, whereas he wrote in our own language: Assyrian. Perhaps he could also have taught me to try my hand at writing in Assyrian. What a gift that would have been for me.

Unable to read or write Assyrian, although I speak it, I have never read what he wrote, though I remember as a youngster being taken to a performance of one of his plays. I don’t recall the play, but an image plays in my head of the curtain falling and the theatre exploding with cheers and applause as the audience shot to its feet. It mu